The Antiplanner has refrained from commenting on a recent Oregon land-use decision because it turns my stomach and because there doesn’t seem much point. The way that planners view property rights is so completely different from the way economists view them that never the twain shall meet.
Long-time readers will recall that, in 2005, Oregon passed ballot measure 37, which restored property rights to people whose land had been regulated by zoning and planning. Under the law, anyone who owned their land prior to regulation could ask for compensation or to have the rules waived. Landowners representing about 1.5 percent of the land in the state applied for compensation or waivers.
Two years later, Oregon voters passed measure 49, which practically repealed measure 37. Under measure 49, landowners could only subdivide their property into three parcels — even if the rules when they purchased the land allowed them to subdivide it into dozens or hundreds of lots. Under special circumstances, measure 49 allowed owners to subdivide into 10 lots. In addition, landowners who had already made a special investment in developing their property under measure 37 were exempt from 49.
Those who have taken an economics class that covers property rights — and not all economics classes do — know that real property rights require three things. First, you must be able to describe the property. Second, you must be able to exclude others from using it. Third, you must be able to sell it. Anything short of this — for example, the right to use but not sell water — is not really a property right. For markets to work, you have to have true property rights — most of what many people call “market failure” is really the failure of the government to allow people to have property rights.
In the recent measure 49 case, the landowners planned to develop their 69-acre parcel into 41 lots. They worked with a developer who invested well over a million dollars in getting the property ready for subdivision and sale. The owners argued that this allowed them to be exempt from measure 49. But the judge ruled that, since the developer had invested the money, not the property owners, the exemption did not apply.
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To rub salt in the wound, a representative of 1000 Friends chortled that “This is clearly a case of a developer with his hand caught in the cookie jar.” He added that “Measure 37 was never intended to line the pockets of developers.”
Why should anybody care whether a development “lines the pockets” of a developer? The real question is, did the landowner have the right to develop their property? If they did, then they should be able to sell that right to someone else — even a (gasp!) developer. If they have the right to develop it themselves but don’t have either the competence to develop it or the right to sell it to a developer, then they really have nothing.
If you believe in planning and that human rights trump property rights, I am sure you see nothing wrong with this. If you believe that property rights are equal to other Constitutional rights, like freedom of speech or freedom of the press, then you see that this is just a horrible way of running a state.
For some reason, many lefties can get irate over the idea of taking away people’s property — with compensation — through eminent domain and giving it to Wal-Mart. But they have no problem with taking away people’s property — without compensation — and using it for some “common good” like open space or wildlife habitat.
That’s like saying it’s okay for the government to censor newspapers you disagree with, but not those that agree with you. Or that it’s okay for the government to regulate mosques, just not churches or synagogues. Or that . . . well, you get the idea. The freedoms in the Bill of Rights should apply universally, not just when it is convenient. The fact that some (including five members of the Supreme Court) can’t see that doesn’t make it right to take people’s property without compensation.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
“The Constitution states life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. ‘Property’ never made it there [there’s no life, liberty and property is there? That phrase got voted out]. And property remains undefined, as does the ‘just’ in ‘just compensation’.”
Voted out? IIRC Jefferson drafted it and Franklin and one or two others did some editing. Many including supreme court justices have interpreted “pursuit of happiness” to include the right to property.
Voted out? IIRC Jefferson drafted it and Franklin and one or two others did some editing.
Madison and Adams wanted ‘property’ in there, Jefferson & Franklin did not. Locke directly wrote about life, liberty and property, and these words were placed directly into first drafts of the Constitution & taken out for later drafts, but property was included in the ‘takings clause’ in the 5th Amendment.
Madison’s Federalist Papers:
“government is instituted no less for the protection of property than of the persons of individuals” (pg 339)
but Locke’s The Second Treatise of Government demurred: “…and yet to suppose his land, whose property is to be regulated by the laws of society, should be exempt from the jurisdiction of that government to which he himself, and the property of that land, is subject”.(pp 68-69)
and Franklin wrote in a work about the alterations of the Constitution: “private property is a creature of society and is subject to the calls of that society, whenever its necessities require it, even to the last farthing.”
Thus the views of property have changed little. Now, temporarily, many of us speak of actions on property and how they affect the individual, but throughout much of our history we spoke of property and its actions surrounding the public good.
DS
PS: My formal teaching on Constitutional property rights history comes from Harvey Jacobs and his direct tutelage. I place no value judgements into the expression of that tutelage (look it up).