The Future of Democracy
posted in News commentary |The Antiplanner rarely comments on geopolitics, but the conflict in Georgia provokes some broader-than-usual thoughts. This war, and the coinciding Olympics, suggests that we have spent the last seven years worrying about the wrong dangers in the world. While we concentrated on so-called Islamofascists, the real danger facing America and democracy was somewhere else.
Published in 1987, Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of Great Powers makes it clear that, to be a great military power, you first have to be a great economic power. More specifically, you have to be able to build wealth. Kennedy points out that Britain was a superpower in the nineteenth century, and its economy grew throughout the century. But because some other countries were able to grow a little bit faster, by the mid-twentieth century Britain was relatively unimportant.
I don’t think it is particularly essential that the United States be the only superpower in the world. But it is important that we be able to defend the values we care about — freedom and democracy — from those inside or outside our country who might want to take them from us.
The fall of the soviet empire proved to many that socialist countries can never be a long-term threat to capitalist countries. The reason is simple: socialism cannot build wealth because it doesn’t respect property rights and fails to reward individual achievement. You can propagandize people about collective values all you want, but in the end you won’t get their cooperation unless you allow them to get individually wealthy.
The same is true, for different reasons, of most countries in the Middle East. Whether President Bush is right or not when he says, “they hate us because we are free” (and I am pretty certain he is not), Muslim nations were never much of a threat to us. Whatever qualities it once had, Islam — at least as practiced in most of Arabia and Persia — is not able to build wealth. Even if Muslim countries make billions selling us oil, if they can’t figure out how to multiply those billions into even more billions, they will never be great powers.
Since 1991, it has seemed clear to me that the next big conflict in the world will be between capitalist democracies and capitalist authoritarian countries. The archetypal authoritarian capitalist nation is Singapore. Though nominally a democracy, Singapore severely restricts freedom of speech and freedom of the press, and its government regulates every aspect of people’s lives. For example, it has banned chewing gum ever since vandals stuck their gum in the door sensors of its rapid transit trains.
As a city-state of less than 5 million people, Singapore is not likely to be much of a threat to the U.S. But China borrowed much from Singapore as it rebuilt its economy under Deng Xiaoping. So the stage is set to answer the question: is democracy essential to build wealth? Or, worse, is it an impediment to building wealth?
Let’s get out of the way the idea, most recently put forth by David Brooks, that Asians are somehow wired differently — more collectively and less individualistically — than westerners. A blogger named Mark Liberman examines Brooks’ evidence and shows that Brooks (and some of the people he cites) completely misinterpreted the evidence. People are people, and most of them prefer freedom over regimentation.
But that doesn’t mean they will get it. I’ve heard people suggest that, as the Chinese get wealthier, they will naturally demand more freedom and democracy. I am not convinced that is true.
A few years ago, Henry Kissinger gave a speech in China. After complimenting his hosts for their nation’s economic progress, he expressed the hope that they would soon become more democratic. To his surprise, the audience recoiled in horror. “Why would you wish upon us all of the pork barrel and other governance problems found in your democratic society?” they asked.
As someone once said, “A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover that they can vote themselves largesse from the public treasury.” The U.S. had enough checks and balances in its constitution to prevent this from happening for more than a century. But, as documented in the recent Cato book, Dirty Dozen, those checks and balances have broken down, and so we routinely vote ourselves largesse like “universal healthcare” and toys like light rail.
Don’t get me wrong. Light rail will not be the death of America. But the attitude behind light rail — that we can and should spend billions on every feel-good project that comes along without evaluating its cost effectiveness — may very well be the death of the democracy and freedom we cherish.
The elephants in the room, compared to which light rail is a gnat, are social security and its cousin medicare. A recent report projects that social security will run out of money by 2040 and medicare by 2018. But that’s a lie, as it assumes that all the surplus money that baby boomers have been paying into these funds will be available when they retire. In fact, Congress “borrowed” all of that money to find its deficit spending (like light rail).
By 2010 or 2011, medicare revenues will begin to fall short of expenses, and by 2017, so will social security’s. Then Congress will have to choose between increasing taxes, cutting benefits, further expanding the national debt (assuming anyone would loan money to an essentially bankrupt nation), or eliminating just about every other governmental function.
The war in Iraq is a lot more costly than light rail, but is far cheaper than our social security-medicare obligations. Richard Fisher, president of the Dallas Federal Reserve Bank, estimates the unfunded liability of social security and medicare total to nearly $100 trillion — not billion — dollars.
“This situation is of your own creation,” says Fisher. “When you berate your representatives or senators or presidents for the mess we are in, you are really berating yourself. You elect them. You are the ones who let them get away with burdening your children and grandchildren rather than yourselves with the bill for your entitlement programs.”
Everyone in Washington knows this, but they don’t do anything about it because the breakdown is in the comfortably far off future — anything more than two years away is too far away for elected officials to worry about — while voters who would resent any efforts to fix social security and medicare are in the here and now.
In short, capitalism builds wealth, but democracy pisses it away. If we can’t get back on track to our pre-New Deal checks and balances, we will never be able to compete with the Chinese or any other authoritarian nation that adopts capitalist tools such as private property rights.
Back to the Georgian conflict (about which our leaders have not been exactly honest), the good news is that Russia is not yet a truly capitalist nation. So, for the time being, we don’t have much to fear from it. China seems to be content, for now, growing and building wealth, but how long will that last?
In any case, the danger may not be that China will make war on us, but that our own leaders will give up any semblance of freedom and democracy we now have in order to compete — and given their track record, they will probably jettison the wrong freedoms. We need to rebuild our economy and fix our government, if only to show the rest of the world that freedom and democracy are compatible with building wealth and a stable society. If you care about freedom, you need to care about fiscal responsibility.





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