“This book should not be necessary,” were the opening words to my first book for the Cato Institute, Best-Laid Plans. It covered the same ground as many previous books, most notably Frederick Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom. It appears, however, that every generation has to learn for itself the reality that socialism doesn’t work.

Part of the problem is that socialism can mean several different things. One answer is worker ownership of the means of production, but the United States already has that: numerous firms are owned by their workers, and the biggest investors in major corporations are pension funds that exist for the benefit of workers. I suspect that most socialists don’t see this as any different from capitalism because it doesn’t include a role for government to step in to reduce inequality or protect the environment.

Another kind of socialism is a social democracy, which is capitalism with a safety net. The problem is just how big should the safety net be. At its most basic, it seems to include unemployment income for those who lose their jobs along with housing, food, and health care for the chronically unemployed. But where do you draw the line? It seems that all it takes is someone chanting “X is a human right” and sudden X becomes part of the safety net. In addition to free medical care for all, Bernie Sanders thinks the government should provide free higher education, free childcare, and build at least 10 million affordable homes. Lately free public transit has been added to the list of “human rights.” Continue reading →

In 1991, Congress passed the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act. It should have been called the Obsolete Transportation Inefficiency Act, as among other things it created a multi-billion-dollar annual slush fund to give to cities to build new rail transit projects. This fund, informally called New Starts and more formally called Transit Capital Investment Grants, had no limit on the amount of money any city could take out of it, which gave cities incentives to propose the most expensive projects they could so they could get the most “free” federal money.

This law was actually a continuation of a 1973 law that allowed cities to cancel planned interstate freeways within their borders and spend the federal dollars that would have gone towards building those freeways on transit capital improvements instead. The 1973 law was instigated by then-Massachusetts Governor Francis Sargent, who wanted to cancel some freeways in Boston but didn’t want to be accused of “losing” federal transportation dollars. Boston, of course, has lots of rail transit and could easily absorb the federal dollars from a cancelled freeway by buying new railcars, installing new signals, replacing track, and so forth.

Sargent’s law gave hope to Portland Mayor (and infamous pedo) Neil Goldschmidt, who wanted to cancel an interstate freeway in east Portland. But Portland’s transit agency, TriMet, only operated buses, and if it used all of the freeway funds to buy new buses, it wouldn’t have enough money to operate all of those buses. Continue reading →

After the 2003 Preserving the American Dream conference in Washington DC, we had a series of annual conferences in a different city each year: Portland, the Twin Cities, Atlanta, San Jose, Houston, Bellevue, and Orlando. Although I invited most of the speakers and knew what they were going to say in advance, I found them very educational, especially on housing and land-use issues.

The highlight of the Portland conference was a speaker from England named Stephen Town, who was an expert on policing neighborhoods of different densities and designs. In fact, he was a policeman.

It so happened that, in 2001, the American Planning Association published a book titled SafeScape, which purported to show how neighborhoods could be designed to reduce crime. “At last a book that tells us exactly what we have to do to make our cities safe!” enthused a cover blurb written by a Portland police chief. Continue reading →